The black eye Milen Veltchev was sporting last week was not, he insists, the result of a run-in with a disgruntled taxpayer. Sure, Veltchev has had some awkward encounters during his 15 months as Bulgaria's Finance Minister. There was the time his barber, after haranguing him about a licensing-rate hike, left him sitting in the chair with his thick black hair dripping wet while the barber went next door to fetch his daughter, also a hairdresser, who gave Veltchev another earful. As one of the most recognizable figures in government and the architect of a series of unpopular reforms, Veltchev has become used to such situations. But impassioned as his critics can be, they've never slugged him. No, says Veltchev, the black eye was the result of some early morning hoops action.
Whatever obstacles he faces on the basketball court, Veltchev's task of restructuring Bulgaria's economy and helping prepare the country for eventual entry to the E.U. is proving equally bruising. Despite putting into place such measures as electricity and heating price hikes to meet imf and World Bank commitments, Bulgaria was not even given a date for accession to the E.U. in the round of expansion announced this month. With unemployment hovering around 17%, and 12.6% of people below the poverty line, Bulgaria is far from meeting the E.U.'s strict fiscal requirements.
Veltchev, 36, grew up in Sofia and did graduate business studies at the University of Rochester and M.I.T. He left Merrill Lynch in London for a cabinet post in the new government of Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha in July 2001. Bulgaria was engulfed in a wave of nostalgia-tinged optimism inspired by the new Prime Minister also the country's former child King. Within a year, the party's ratings had plummeted; Veltchev's decision to award a contract to reform Bulgaria's corruption-plagued customs service to a British firm without open bidding prompted calls for his resignation and a no-confidence vote in the government. Veltchev's explanation: "We solicited other proposals. We just shortened the process to save time, because we were losing an enormous amount of money." Most controversial, though, were Veltchev's moves to restructure Bulgaria's crippling foreign debt. Earlier this year the government shaved $330 million off its net debt by exchanging $1.3 billion-worth of Brady Bonds for newly issued Eurobonds. A second $800 millionswap was recently announced. Critics charge that the terms and the timing of both deals lose the state money. "Veltchev has burdened taxpayers with hundreds of millions of dollars," says Plamen Oresharsky, an ex-Deputy Finance Minister and deputy chair of the former ruling party. "He has acted in favor of the investment community against his own people. I don't believe in his good intentions."
Veltchev's intention, he says, is simply "to pursue the right economic policies." He is frustrated by what he calls the "socialist mentality still prevalent" among many Bulgarians. "Things like privatization and structural reforms are sometimes easier than the most fundamental change getting people to start thinking in market- economy terms, to stop expecting the government to take care of them." Veltchev has the cour-age of his convictions, but some socialist-era habits die hard. He would never, he says, implement a policy just to court popular approval, but he concedes that "it would be wrong to pretend that any politician could survive with-out resorting to minor populist measures at times." How would he determine when such a measure was in order? That, says this otherwise staunch proponent of capitalist individualism, would be a matter for cabinet-level collective decision making.